Tuesday, May 13`, 2025
Year : 2, Issue: 37
On Tuesday, Donald Trump arrived in Riyadh, embarking on his first foreign trip as US president to the Gulf nations. During Trump’s first term, he recognised Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, unlike any other US president before. The president visited with the aim of normalising Israel’s relationships with the powerful Gulf nations by sidelining the heart of the issues in the Middle East: the Palestinian cause—a win for Netanyahu.
But for the Israeli government, this trip has an unprecedented atmosphere of panic surrounding it, with high stakes that could work against Netanyahu. On Monday, May 12, the Israeli scene witnessed remarkable media momentum that reflected escalating field tensions, internal political confusion, and clear disarray in the management of prisoners’ files and negotiations with Hamas. Developments in the upcoming release of American-Israeli soldier Edan Alexander, as part of an uncoordinated US initiative with Tel Aviv, have dominated Hebrew media headlines, amid warnings of serious strategic repercussions for Israel’s regional and international status.
Due to the strong bond between Israel and the US, we, Palestinians, could not easily believe that there might be any real dispute between Trump and Netanyahu. But it’s important to realise that a dispute between Donald Trump and Netanyahu does not mean a dispute between the US and Israel.
The relationship between Netanyahu and Trump, the two leaders, was a tactical one, but the relationship between the nations is a strategic one. We are also unaware to what extent the relationship has been affected, so we must understand one integral fact: the US can abandon Netanyahu, but they will never abandon Israel. The latter was deliberately created to serve the West’s interests in the Middle East. It is true that Trump has shown patterns of causing disruptions with allies for his own gains, but Israel is home to a key US defence base, and Israel provides strategic US foothold and intelligence and technology partnerships in the Middle East.
Before Trump was inaugurated, he imposed a deal on Hamas and Israel to stop the war, to agree to a ceasefire, which did happen. But immediately after they exchanged hostages, and Netanyahu was able to salvage some of his reputation within Israeli society, he turned his back on the deal. At first, we would have interpreted the continuation of the war to also be in Trump’s interest, and that Netanyahu’s betrayal was written on the walls given Trump and Netanyahu’s cosy relationship.
The two leaders are no longer on the same page. The mood music has also conspicuously shifted, with US special envoy to the Middle East, Steve Witkoff—unlike the Biden administration’s Antony Blinken—criticising Israel for prolonging the war and delaying the hostage deal.
The other issue is that the leaders in the Middle East, after October 7, with the atrocities taking place, have no trust whatsoever in Netanyahu as a person and especially as a leader. Although many Middle Eastern countries do not outrightly oppose normalisation with Israel, they are unlikely to agree to a deal with Netanyahu, who the Arab states accuse of committing collective genocide. Trump has, therefore, repositioned the historic lens of viewing US relations in the Middle East via Israel by pursuing direct engagements.
Trump is seeking at least $1 trillion in investments from Saudi Arabia, including arms purchases which have not yet been agreed upon. But in January, it was announced that plans were in place to expand trade and investment with the US by $600 billion over the next four years, with potential for more.
The Gulf nations have similar interests in formalising their positions as indispensable partners for the US. They also want to extract as much benefit as they can.
Has the relationship between Trump and Netanyahu run its course? The results of the trip in the next few days will give us more signals. But make no mistake, Netanyahu’s murderous career stands on thin ice, and it will crack, one day or another.
